Celem artykułu jest analiza aspektów metodologicznych związanych z badaniem zmian ideologicznych w partiach politycznych. W pracy porównano analizę ilościową programów wyborczych i ankiety eksperckiej, oceniono ich mocne i słabe strony oraz przeanalizowano możliwości ich zastosowania. Hipoteza przyjęta w artykule jest następująca: analiza ilościowa programów wyborczych jest obciążona mniejszymi słabościami metodologicznymi niż ankieta ekspercka, a zatem jest bardziej niezawodnym narzędziem do pomiaru zmian ideologicznych w środowisku partii politycznych.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the methodological aspects related to the study of ideological changes in political parties. The article compares the quantitative analysis of election programs and the Expert Survey, evaluates their strengths and weaknesses, and analyses their application possibilities. The hypothesis adopted in this article is as follows: quantitative analysis of election programs is burdened with smaller methodological weaknesses than Expert Survey and thus is a more reliable tool for measuring ideological changes in the environment of political parties. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza aspektów metodologicznych związanych z badaniem zmian ideologicznych w partiach politycznych. W pracy porównano analizę ilościową programów wyborczych i ankiety eksperckiej, oceniono ich mocne i słabe strony oraz przeanalizowano możliwości ich zastosowania. Hipoteza przyjęta w artykule jest następująca: analiza ilościowa programów wyborczych jest obciążona mniejszymi słabościami metodologicznymi niż ankieta ekspercka, a zatem jest bardziej niezawodnym narzędziem do pomiaru zmian ideologicznych w środowisku partii politycznych.
Artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio K, Politologia Vol. 27, 1 (2020), strony 65-81 ; Tytuł równoległy: Metodologiczne aspekty badania zmian ideologicznych w kontekście partii politycznych ; Streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim. ; Artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio K, Politologia Vol. 27, 1 (2020), strony 65-81 ; Tytuł równoległy: Metodologiczne aspekty badania zmian ideologicznych w kontekście partii politycznych ; Streszczenia w językach angielskim, polskim.
The aim of this article is to study the philosophical, ideological and political roots of the Third Way concept. The analysis of these aspects should capture the genuine sources of the new faces of European social democracy and prove the thesis that this model is influential in West Europe as well as in Poland. The article asks the question: is the Third Way a political ideology with its own distinctive 'core', a loose fusion of different ideologies, or a strategy within an ideological tradition? Moreover, the article is an attempt to examine on what level the formula of the Third Way assume 'going out' of the disputes between the left and the right. Finally, the paper examines the correlation between politics of Third Way and the redefinition of political conflict in the Poland after 1989.
The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank's set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP's side. ; The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank's set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP's side.The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratiolegis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groupsof interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceiveas a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energyindustry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducingthe energy prices or achieving independence from supplies broughtin from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Thinktanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presentedby M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polishenergy policy and they aim at influencing the government and otherpolitical bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank'sset of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoreticalapproach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitationsof subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction withadministrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limitedby the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic(legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by exampleof Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)party, they are capable of influencing the program through participationin the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the partymembers to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenanceon hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda,which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debateon the MP's side.
